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Family Life and Crime. Contemporary Research and Essays - ebook/pdf
Family Life and Crime. Contemporary Research and Essays - ebook/pdf
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Wydawca: Uniwersytet Śląski Język publikacji: polski
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Pierwsza część pracy zawiera terminologiczne ustalenia dotyczące rodziny, małżeństwa, ról płciowych oraz opis konsekwencji przemian w tym zakresie. Najpoważniejszą, jak się wydaje, jest kryzys demograficzny w państwach kultury północnoatlantyckiej, na skutek którego Zachód stanął przez zagrożeniem ze strony dynamicznie rozwijającej się cywilizacji islamskiej. Drugi podjęty w książce obszar tematyczny, to studium problematyki rodziny przestępczej (z prezentacją badań własnych na próbie nieletnich przestępców). Na koniec autorzy omawiają zagadnienia związane z: umiejscowieniem badań nad przestępczością oraz jej leczeniem w systematyce nauk, przeglądem najnowszej polskiej literatury kryminologicznej, zdefiniowaniem nowych zjawisk w zakresie polityki karnej (restorative justice) oraz opisem wybranych elementów polityki karnej nieletnich realizowanych w wybranych państwach kultury północnoatlantyckiej. Wychowawcy, kuratorzy sądowi, pracownicy socjalni, terapeuci oraz przedstawiciele nauki (reprezentanci wielu dyscyplin wiedzy, takich jak: socjologia, psychologia, kryminologia, nauki o prawie oraz systemach sprawiedliwości), to profesje, które mogą korzystać z prezentowanych w książce idei i wniosków.

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MACIEJ BERNASIEWICZ MONIKA NOSZCZYK-BERNASIEWICZ FAMILY LIFE and Contemporary Research and Essays The family crisis reveals serious fissures in the very foundations of the European cultural community; likewise, criminal and moral degradation of youth points to the crisis of the family as an important source of the problem […]. The authors make a strong case for the view that destructive peer relations become criminogenic factors only when they are combined with dysfunctional family-of-origin settings. In such circumstances, the authors argue, timely institutional decisions and their appropriate implementation, while always fraught with the risk of stigmatisation (as in the case of measures involving confinement), often prove to be rational actions undertaken to stop the psychological degradation of the juvenile. This conclusion is important in that it contrasts with the claim, today often overstated, that institutional forms of care for juvenile delinquents, without exception, bring more harm than benefits […]. I am convinced that the book will be of interest both to Polish rehabilitation practitioners and theoreticians as well as to international readers. For the latter, it may be an interesting source of information about the present condition of Polish rehabilitation research and compelling problems that the system of juvenile delinquency prevention in Poland is now facing. From a review by dr hab. Mariusz Sztuka, Head of the Department of Social Prevention and Rehabilitation, Jagiellonian University, Kraków I M A C E J B E R N A S E W C Z I I , I M O N K A N O S Z C Z Y K - B E R N A S E W C Z I I F A M I L Y L I F E A N D C R M E I Family Life and Crime Contemporary Research and Essays MACIEJ BERNASIEWICZ MONIKA NOSZCZYK-BERNASIEWICZ Family Life and Crime Contemporary Research and Essays Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Ślaskiego • Katowice 2017 Referee Mariusz Sztuka Contents Introduction PARt ONE Cultural background of the family crisis Chapter 1 Crisis of the Judeo -Christian foundations of family life 1.1. transformations of family life 1.2. Drop in fertility (weakening reproductive motivation) 1.3. The invasion of the civilisation of Islam 1.4. Gender discourses Chapter 2 Labour market and a redefinition of social roles in marriage Chapter 3 Marital bond – evolution and the break ‑off from the viewpoint of family life 3.1. The history of the institution of marriage and family 3.2. Single ‑parent family Family life as a risk/protective factor of criminal activity PARt tWO Chapter 4 Family life and desistance from crime ChAPtER 5 Family life and peer groups as an indicator of a criminal activity 7 13 13 20 24 26 32 45 45 58 65 73 6 Contents ChAPtER 6 Correctional facilities, an attempt to compensate for the influence of dysfunc- tional families Chapter 7 Family ‑based prevention ChAPtER 8 Weak males 8.1. Manhood in crisis 8.2. “The death of the father” in biographies of juvenile offenders 8.3. Criminal activity of fathers in the biographies of juvenile offenders ChAPtER 9 Parental attitudes and crime PARt thREE Crime as a subject of scientific analyses Chapter 10 Crime and its treatment from polish and international perspective Chapter 11 Polish literature on criminology Chapter 12 Contemporary trends in restorative justice and diversion programmes in the United States, Germany, england, and poland Chapter 13 Selected measures adjudiscated in the proceedings of juvenile delinquency in Germany and poland appendix Bibliography Streszczenie Zusammenfassung 79 85 89 89 93 100 111 123 133 161 178 187 193 205 206 Introduction Bringing up the issue of the endangered family or the family life crisis exposes the author to the allegation of preying on the significance of the crisis, and of taking up the role of Cassandra. after all, there is a  general consensus about the fact that human beings have a  constant need for family life. That need is demonstrated by them at any latitude and in any historical period and in various forms. There is no doubt that, if we define the family as all forms of sex life occurring within a jointly run household, the crisis of family is far from becom- ing a reality. We are rather witnessing the flourishing of what might be called alternative forms of family life (Lat relationships, cohabitation, marriage in- tentionally childless, and same ‑sex couples). however, if we consider the family merely as a marital or cohabitational unit with children, following the tradition of the twentieth century sociology, the family thus conceived is obviously facing extinction. The vast majority of sociologists of the last century defined the fam- ily in accordance with the Judeo ‑Christian family model. This model (woman – man – children) has been copied by numerous primitive societies to organise their sexual relationships, where especially polygamy (also present among the first patriarchs of Judaism) was a frequent departure from the Judeo ‑Christian cultural model of the family. Over the millennia, the biological existence of communities and their culture depended on the ritual of pairing of individuals of the opposite sex, more or less faithful to each other, providing lesser or greater care for their offspring. Whether a group was regarded as a family was dependent on the existence of blood ties in this unit. Therefore, a child was indispensable for a couple to be called a fam- ily. Currently, the terminology in this respect has fallen into a state of disorder. The ambiguity of the term “family,” which is nowadays increasingly used to define almost any sexual relationship between two people, calls for drawing an arbitrary and also historically sanctioned distinction between a married or co- habiting couple with a child (family) and a childless couple. While a cohabiting relationship with a child should be considered as a formula for family life due to 8 Introduction its reproductive function, regarding a childless relationship as a family results in the fact that terms such as marriage or cohabitation have become synonymous with the term family. The acceptance of such a terminological extension of this latter term leads to family losing its essence and individuality (differentia speci‑ fica). Natural reproduction of members is an exclusive property of a female ‑male unit, an attribute of a  social group that is called the family, which is unusual somewhere else. extending the meaning of this term to other groups and social structures deprives it of the methodological validity and reliability, and makes the unique nature of the human community vague. Therefore, in the framework of the presented study, only a unit with children (biological or legally assigned) is regarded as the family. all functions performed by the family, such as emotional, sexual, rec- reational, economic, etc., may be identified also in other forms of relationships; however, the reproductive function is an attribute exclusive to the family. The authors consider the crisis of the family as a trend towards its disappearance in favour of increasingly emerging non ‑family households, or various (homo ‑ and heterosexual) forms of partnership, single ‑person households (of singles or the divorced), and relationships that aspire to be called the family and appear as its attractive alternative (cohabiting relationships without children, gay marriages, and intentionally childless marriages). It may be frequently noted in this book that all the transformations of family life described above, perceived by adults as liberating and multiplying life satisfaction, actually impair the quality of life of the children who experience them. The indicated regularity of the results of the zero ‑sum game (adults gain; children lose) is also noted by researchers who explicitly criticise the neoconservative postulate of returning to a bygone era of the domination of the patriarchal nuclear family. among others, Manuel Cas- tells writes that the main victims of this cultural transition are children, because in the current conditions of the family crisis, they are becoming more and more neglected. The dramatic increase in child abuse in many societies, especially in the United States, may well be evidence of the people’s confusion as to their family life.1 The child’s perspective is overrepresented in the present study be- cause the authors are educationalists who professionally deal with the analysis of the educational environment wherein young members of the society grow up. among others, Section 3.2 (part 1) comprises a review of the research on a bad psychosocial situation of children brought up in families of an impaired struc- ture or a disturbed/absent marital bond.2 terminological issues concerning the 1 M. Castells: The Power of Identity: The Information Age – Economy, Society and Culture. Vol. 2, Second edition. Oxford 2004, chapter 4. 2 This work deals primarily with one ‑parent families; however, also “children from infor- mal relationships reach for drugs or suffer from depression twice more frequently. Informal relationships, in comparison with marriages, are associated by the child with lesser commit- ment, they provide it with lesser sense of security (children in such relationships three times Introduction 9 family, marriage, and gender roles as well as a description of the consequences of transformations in these areas – the most serious among which seems to be the demographic crisis in the countries of the North atlantic culture, resulting in the West becoming endangered by the booming Islamic civilisation – are comprised in the first part of the work. another issue discussed in the book is the empirical study of the problems of the criminal family (together with the presentation of the authors’ own research on a sample of juvenile offenders – Chapters 5, 8 and 9). The family is endan- gered not only by the processes of the desacralisation of the marital bond and pluralisation of the styles of family life, which bring about the disappearance of the traditional model of a married heterosexual couple with children. regard- less of whether it is the family defined by the twentieth -century sociology or by postmodern sociology, it is subject to various social pathologies (including crime and addiction), whose explosion has been facilitated by the processes of urbanisation, social atomisation, the disappearance of social control, transfor- mations in the labour market, the spread of drugs, and the alienation of family members from the real and into the virtual world (the popularity of new tech- nologies). among a number of symptoms of the contemporary transformations of the family on a global, european, or polish scale, we can see, among others, an increase in the intensity of the pathological or deviant phenomena in the life of the modern family.3 Violence, alcoholism, and crime in the family, which are considered to be social ills, generally victimise children, who, as a result of these negative phenomena, are driven to crime and addiction. The analysis of the social determinants of turning to crime (family pathologies, delinquent peer groups, absent fathers, and liberal and rejecting parenting styles of upbringing) as well as a discussion of social determinants of criminal desistance as a result of significant, positive life events in the biographies of criminals (both juvenile and adults) are dealt with in part 2 of the work. part 3 comprises issues related to: the placement of the research on crime and its prevention in the system of sciences, a review of the latest polish criminological literature, defining new phenomena in the field of criminal policy (restorative justice), and the description of selected elements of the criminal policy towards juvenile delinquents implemented in selected countries of the North atlantic culture. more often suffer from physical, emotional or sexual abuse), and also they reduce their chan- ces of establishing a harmonious relationship in the future. as a result, couples being in infor- mal relationships twice more often split up, and four times more often commit adultery.” See p.G. Zimbardo, N.S. Coulombe: Gdzie ci mężczyźni? trans. M. Guzowska. Warszawa 2015, p. 90. 3 S. Kawula: “pedagogika społeczna w początkach XXI wieku: perspektywa integracji i spo- łeczeństwa ryzyka.” In: Pedagogika społeczna w Polsce po 1989 roku. Przemiany w nauce, obecność międzynarodowa, kręgi tematyczne prac badawczych. eds. B. Kromolicka, a. radziewicz‑ Winnicki, M. Noszczyk‑Bernasiewicz. Katowice 2007, p. 74. 10 Introduction Last but not least, the authors would like to express their deep sense of gratitude to the Directorate of polish juvenile detention centres (in pszczyna, Zawiercie, racibórz, Warszawa–Falenica, and Koronowo), thanks to which they were able to carry out the study among juvenile offenders in the years 2010–2012. The authors are grateful for the devoted time and favourable attitude towards their research project, conducive to gathering empirical data support- ing the theoretical work on the issue of the criminal family and predictors of crime. Thanks also go to professor ewa Syrek, head of the Department of Social pedagogy at the Faculty of pedagogy and psychology at the University of Silesia in Katowice, where the authors are employed, for financial help in translating this work into english, so that the analyses may be presented not only to the polish reader. PARt ONE Cultural background of the family crisis Chapter 1 Crisis of the Judeo ‑Christian foundations of family life 1.1. Transformations of family life We witness a  process of a  new culture emerging, called by one group a  post‑ modern culture,1 or modernity’s reflexivity by others.2 Pursuant to modern terminology, one can say that present forms of family turn out to be liquid (term proposed by Zygmunt Bauman) or, in Giddens’s terms, one can say that family forms are subject to constant reviews and reforms (reflexivity of modernity). Dif- ferent transgressions of family forms and demographic transition observed are those factors which shape the image of modern family in a significant manner. 1 Z. Bauman: Liquid Modernity. Cambridge 2000. 2 Giddens questions the definition of post ‑modernity to draw attention to a new quality of modernity in current social changes: “rather than entering a period of post ‑modernity, we are moving into one in which consequences of modernity are becoming more radicalised and uni- versalised than before. Beyond modernity, I shall claim, we can perceive the contours of a new and different order, which is “post ‑modern”; but this is quite distinct from what is at the moment called by many post ‑modernity” (a. Giddens: The Consequences of Modernity. Stanford 1996, p. 3). to continue this reflection on the present times and terminology used to define them, one may add that Giddens – while defining present modernity as a phase of modernity’s reflexivity (“we have not moved beyond modernity but are living precisely through a phase of its radica- tisation”), which covers also institutions and people (“social practices are constantly examined and reformed into light of incoming information about those very practices”) – states that in this sense, modern social practices (institutions) continue and are in good condition (e.g., modern rationalisation, capitalism, and nation ‑states). Mental changes, crisis of ideological and religious “grand narrative,” as well as a reform of institutions are just natural consequences of “reflexivity of modernity” and not a different image of the civilisation stage. however, in accordance with Giddens, a perspective of post ‑modernity appears on the horizon, being a chance for radically different social organisation for which new social movements call, inter alia. Still, such a  new civilisation stage requires a new post ‑capitalistic economic order to emerge in the form of socia- lised organisation of economy and new, centralised, global power (“world government”), which would be able to react to new, global, ecological, political, and economic challenges (see a. Gid- dens: The Consequences of Modernity…, pp. 38, 51, 168). 14 Part One: Cultural background of the family crisis to a  certain degree, the changes in the family model at this juncture can be interpreted as posing a threat to the institution of the family itself and to the condition of modern societies.3 even a change from the model of marital family to its various non ‑marital forms has its effect on childbirth rate, which is subject to a  drastic drop observed also in marital forms of family. Looking at statis- tical data and the rapidly emerging new theories of the family (post ‑modern sociology), one can safely state that the family as such is in crisis, at least in its previous shape. a crisis of the nuclear Judeo ‑Christian family is visible in social practice and theory, namely: – in the appearance of new “families” in the practice of social life on an unex- pected scale so far; – in the questioning of the “normality” of the nuclear family by sociology (vali- dation of non ‑nuclear families by postmodern sociology); – in the increase in the number of divorces, infringing on the reliability of this social institution in the public feeling; – in the decrease in the fertility rate (weakening reproductive motivation); and – in the drop in the value of the family in favour of other cultural goals (such as consumption, entertainment, and professional career). In this chapter we would like to elaborate on two of the areas of crisis outlined above which touched first the model of extended family and now are affecting the nuclear family. We concentrate on new concepts of the family (post ‑modern sociology and new tendencies which can be commonly noticed in the area of family life) and the dropping fertility rate. The meaning of the family for the stability of societies and for all political structures cannot be overestimated. This concerns especially the area of repro- ductive function, which it fulfills. This is the only social group which appoints its members in a natural way and not through recruitment processes. One of the best known economists worldwide, Jacques attali, in the interview for Gazeta Wyborcza4 devoted to worldwide financial crisis, notices a  certain regularity. The United States as a  country is in debt, as are the states contained therein, e.g., California or texas. Great Britain is in debt, and so is england. Japanese deficit exceeded 200 of GNp. Greece, Italy, France are also up to ears in debt. Germans have debt similar to the French one but are in a worse situation due to demographic reasons and a negative natural growth, which has been registered there for many years. It is not without reasons that this French economist relates the economic situation of the state to demography. today we know beyond doubt that there is a strict connection between fertility rate and the condition of 3 See M. Bernasiewicz: “rodzina w konflikcie normatywnych paradygmatów oraz nowych faktów społecznych.” Pedagogika społeczna 2 (2015), pp. 87–100. 4 K. Staszak: “Nie leci z nami pilot. polsko wejdź do strefy euro. Bo pożałujesz.” Gazeta Wyborcza, 3–4.12.2011. Chapter 1: Crisis of the Judeo ‑Christian foundations of family life 15 the family on the one hand, and the economic condition of the societies on the other. pension system and functioning of the health‑care system constitute the source of the largest budget expenses in states, due to which the demographic situation has become one of the most important predictors of success for eco- nomic development of societies. While ageing, citizens of europe become more and more important encumbrance for domestic financial systems. The issues of childbirth and family policy turn out to be the same key element of success management for modern societies. Legal regulations and sociological concepts concerning the status and functioning of the family and marriage have not ceased to be important. The family in the twentieth century was defined as a  basic social cell and specified as a nuclear one. There were no deviations from this model grounded in the Judeo ‑Christian roots of North atlantic culture in the practice of social life, whereas the sociological theory recognised this definition as most precise for the social system (the smaller community). at the same time, sociologists (i.a., ernest Watson Burgess, talcott parsons, and robert F. Bales) recognised the nuclear family as the most functional for the society (necessary for its lasting).5 There were three elements to make up the family:6 – the relationship of a man and a woman; – the relationship with a socially established marriage; and – the presence of children, own or adopted. The term nuclear family was introduced by an anthropologist George Mur- dock to define a territorial unit (namely the one located at home) consisting of a  wife, a  husband, and their children. This is a  social group characterised by a common residence, economic community, and division of work and reproduc- tion. It covers two adults of different sex leading a socially approved sexual life and one or more children, own or adopted.7 These definitions, not raising any doubts until the 1990s, are nowadays subject to common criticism and modifica- tion due to a legislative revolution, as a result of which since 1989 the majority of states on the european continent have recognised domestic partnerships as equal to a  traditionally understood marriage. however, as Wojciech pięciak notices, the history of formalised homosexual relationships in europe is barely three decades old and has its origins in contracting a  marriage by axel and eigill, living jointly for over 40 years, in the registry office in Copenhagen in Oc- tober 1989. In 2016, 27 years after this event, partner relationships (homosexual and heterosexual – so‑called light marriage) exist in many european countries, such as Czech republic, Slovenia, Croatia, hungary, and Ireland, whereas in some states some initial rights, e.g., heritage after the deceased partner, are 5 See t. Szlendak: Socjologia rodziny. Warszawa 2010, pp. 94–97 6 r. turner: Family Interaction. London 1970, p. 5; cited in t. Szlendak: Socjologia rodzi‑ ny…, p. 101. 7 Ibidem, p. 96. 16 Part One: Cultural background of the family crisis accompanied also by the right to adopt children by “homosexual marriages”: in holland (since 2001), Belgium (since 2003), Spain (since 2005), Sweden and Norway (since 2009), portugal and Iceland (2010), Denmark (2012), France and Great Britain (since 2013).8 a post ‑modern sociology of the family pays attention to the processual rather than the structural nature of the family. Therefore, in accordance with this trend in sociology, the family is nothing permanent, objective, or independent from the subjective opinion of its members. The family is a strongly varied institution, different in cultural terms, whereas its members are recruited from freely selected categories of persons. assuming “the humanistic coefficient,” proposed by Florian Znaniecki as the methodological principle of the first half of the twentieth cen- tury, postulating the examination of the reality as it is experienced by the persons concerned, post ‑modern sociology (at the turn of the twenty‑first century) goes even further and calls for the recognition of the reality as it appears to individu- als not only as the real one but also as the legal one. Therefore, as researchers, not only do we recognise the qualification of a  guinea pig, a  cat, or a  dog as a family member by some social actors, but also, in accordance with post ‑modern sociology, we agree that a human ‑animal family is identical or equivalent to the traditional, nuclear family. according to tomasz Szlendak, we have to reject in its entirety the concept of family developed in social sciences as theoretically inadequate and ideologically involved, and as a result of this rejection, examine only whatever is recognised by actors of social life as a family and a family life, even though it is someone’s beloved car, daughter’s boyfriend, or current spouse.9 New definitions of a family emphasise that a dyad is a sufficient condition of a family life. “So, if a group consists of at least a dyad parent ‑child and/or dyad partner ‑partner, we can speak about a  family. a  pair may also be of marital nature and cohabitation one.”10 The above definition of a family still raises much controversy, which results, first of all, from the reproduction function of a family (no other social group fulfils this function; therefore, it is the most important function of the family, on which the continuity of societies depends). a  dyad in the form of a homosexual pair does not fulfill a reproductive function; thus, it cannot be classified as a  family. This position, which perceives the space of family life not as an area of realisation of individual needs but, above all, as a community which realises basic needs of the society, is seen by post ‑modern sociology as an extension of the traditional, tight ‑proof definition of the family, and called functionalist family fundamentalism.11 8 W. pięciak: “Małżeństwa homoseksualne w europie.” Tygodnik Powszechny, 24.02.2013, p. 23. 9 See t. Szlendak: Socjologia rodziny…, pp. 105–107. 10 Ibidem, p. 111. 11 See t. Szlendak: “Interpretacje kryzysu rodziny w socjologii. Miedzy familijnym funda- mentalizmem a rewolucją stylów życia.” Studia Socjologiczne 4 (2008), pp. 16–17. Chapter 1: Crisis of the Judeo ‑Christian foundations of family life 17 an increase in the number of non ‑marital forms of a family may be perceived as a social problem as it shows a correlation with a dropping childbirth rate, which in europe has already become a serious social issue. In a review of the childbirth rate in different family forms – an issue whose importance has been relatively underestimated – Marek Okólski notices that “in families based on a marital re- lationship the number of offspring is much higher than in families (relationships) taking a different form. In the case of alternative forms, the childbirth rate does not exceed two; as a rule, it is lower or much lower than 1.5.”12 as for example, the author provides statistical analyses for a few european states. We will only quote examples of France and holland here. The non ‑marital childbirth rate in holland between 1950–1984 constituted one third at most in relation to the marital childbirth rate, whereas in France in 1994, married women who reached 40–44 years of age on average gave birth to 2.41 child (2.45 in 1986), and women remaining in a permanent cohabitation – 1.50 child (0.91).13 The increasing importance of non ‑marital forms of family is proved mostly by a rapid growth in non ‑marital births. as early as in 1970, in the majority of eU countries, the number of such births was very low, as a rule lower than 10 (ex- ceptions: austria, estonia, and Sweden), whereas in 2008, almost in all countries (exceptions: Cyprus and Greece) it exceeded 20 , and in 10 states – even 40 (in 4–50 ).14 also the number of children brought up by a single parent is growing. This also proves the existence of the traditional family crisis. In the United States, one may notice a dramatic drop in the number of children brought up by both parents, recorded between 1970–1994, and this observation was independent of the race (“the percentage of children living with two parents fell dramatically across all racial groups over the past few decades”).15 The percentage of children from white families (“white children”) living with both parents dropped from 90 to fewer than 80 , the percentage of black children decreased from 60 to about 33 , whereas the percentage of children from hispanic ‑origin families brought up by both parents dropped from 80 to 65 .16 Most commonly appearing family and non ‑marital relationships include: 1. Cohabitation, a  situation in which a  couple lives together as man and wife although not legally married;17 12 M. Okólski: “Wyzwania demograficzne europy i polski.” Studia Socjologiczne 4 (2010), p. 49. 13 Ibidem, p. 49. 14 M. Marcu: “population statistics in europe 2008: First results.” Data in Focus (eurostat) 31 (2009); cited in M. Okólski: “Wyzwania demograficzne…,” p. 49. 15 J.D. teachman: “Diversity of family structure: economic and social influences.” In: The Handbook of Family Diversity. eds. D.h. Demo, K.r. Allen, M.a. Fine. New York 2000, pp. 232–251; cited in D. Eitle: “parental gender, single ‑parent families, and delinquency: explo- ring the moderating influence of race/ethnicity.” Social Science Research 35 (2006), p. 728. 16 Ibidem, p. 728. 17 t. Lawson, J. Garrod: Complete A–Z Sociology Handbook. London 2003, p. 39. 18 Part One: Cultural background of the family crisis 2. Single ‑parent families,18 sometimes called mono ‑parental families in the subject literature;19 and 3. Friendship relationships, in which a couple of any sex lives under a common roof and leads a common household, whereas no intimate, sexual relation- ships are present here.20 We distinguish also other forms of partner relationships which rarely have a form of marriage, but as such they do not exclude marriage. They are also an evidence for a transformation of the traditional family/homogeneous marriage into heterogeneous forms: 1. Lat, living apart together, in the form of a  visit marriage or a  visit cohabitation;21 2. homosexual relationships; 3. reconstructed families; and 4. Voluntary childless (childfree) pairs. a  form of family life which is frequent in the days of the more and more popular divorce is, in particular, the reconstructed family (the so ‑called patch- work family). New relationships, established after the failure of the first or sub- sequent marriages, are characterised by even greater fragility22 than the previous ones. While divorced people have highly positive expectations about their new relationship, their children understand the new family structure in a completely different way. as noted by paul r. armato, the emergence of new relations, which is positively perceived by parents, is not so enthusiastically viewed by their children. It is simply highly stressful for children, as it is often connected with a change of their environment (neighbourhood, town, or city), the need to get ac- customed to new people in their household, and the emergence of new rules and rituals.23 Moreover, “early relationships between stepparents and stepchildren are often tense. Children, especially adolescents, become accustomed to a substantial degree of autonomy in single ‑parent households. They may resent the monitor- ing and supervision by stepparents and react with hostility when stepparents attempt to exert authority. Some children experience loyalty conflicts and fear that becoming emotionally close to a stepparent implies betraying the non‑resi‑ dent biological parent. Some become jealous because they must share parental 18 See D. Eitle: “parental gender…,” p. 727. 19 K. Slany: Alternatywne formy życia małżeńsko ‑rodzinnego w  ponowoczesnym świecie. Kraków 2006, p. 84. 20 t. Szlendak: Socjologia rodziny…, p. 503. 21 Ibidem, p. 504. 22 as noted by anthony Giddens, remarriages, at least in statistical terms, are less happy than first marriages – they demonstrate a higher divorce rate. See a. Giddens: Sociology. Camb- ridge 2001, chapter 7. 23 p.r. Amato: “The impact of family formation change on the cognitive, social, and emotio- nal well ‑being of the next ‑generation.” The Future of Children 15/2 (2005), p. 80. Chapter 1: Crisis of the Judeo ‑Christian foundations of family life 19 time and attention with the stepparent. and for some children, remarriage ends any lingering hopes that the two biological parents will one day reconcile.”24 The situation of numerous children living in such blended families is not something to envy. They are doomed to live with successive stepfathers or stepmothers. Their life takes place in numerous places, where numerous decisions are made beyond their feelings and choices; they travel between the new families of their fathers and mothers. For many of them, it is a  traumatic experience of living in at least two places at the same time.25 Giddens mentions one more term to define reconstructed families (extended families), that is binuclear families. This term emphasises the fact that two households, emerging as a result of a divorce, still constitute one family structure, but with highly complex interpersonal rela- tions, underspecified rules of behaviour, multiplied outlooks of its members, and numerous other sore points resulting from new relations between stepmothers and stepfathers, and their stepsons and stepdaughters.26 There are other, alternative forms of marital ‑family life, which, however, are difficult to classify in accordance with the criteria outlined above. Namely: 1. a substitute family,27 which in the light of the polish law may be composed of spouses or a person not remaining in a marital relationship (art. 41);28 2. Single life of adult children living in a common household with their parents. The latter model of family life is a real plague in europe. according to euro- stat data for May 2014, young people in Croatia move out of their family homes at the age of 33, and in Spain and Greece at the age of 29. The best situation in this respect is observed in Sweden, where this rate is 19.9. In poland, as a result of the inability to become financially independent, 40 of people aged 25–34 live with their parents.29 In a  traditional family model, an individual performs an ancillary role in relation to the family; he or she serves the family. The father provided for the family, the mother used to take care for the children and the husband and secured their emotional needs, while the children were to be a  security for old parents (pension and retiree benefits are the invention of the nineteenth century!). The family used to create a collective entity, within which everyone could play a strictly defined role in accordance with a clear scenario, repeated in the next generation. In the post ‑modern family, each family member seems 24 Ibidem, p. 81. 25 See K. Slany: “ponowoczesne rodziny – konstruowanie więzi i pokrewieństwa.” In: Za‑ gadnienia małżeństwa i rodzin w perspektywie feministyczno ‑genderowej. ed. K. Slany. Kraków 2013, p. 51. 26 See a. Giddens: Sociology. Cambridge 2001, chapter 7. 27 See K. Slany: Alternatywne formy…, pp. 84–85. 28 The act of 9 June 2011 on supporting the family and foster care system (Dz.U. [Journal of Laws] of 2011, No 149, item 8914). 29 h. Bochniarz: “Młodzi ludzie bez perspektyw?” Gazeta Wyborcza, 22.08.2014, p. 9. 20 Part One: Cultural background of the family crisis to be in the centre thereof, the family is no longer a collective whole. everyone in the family seems to possess their own plan of everyday activity, independ- ent of the plans and the will of the remaining family members. The traditional axiology of the community rests on the hierarchy of social positions, patriarchal structure, and the presence of religious rituals; it is within these frames that everyone validates the tasks he or she fulfils in the family. today, however, the axiology based on serving other human beings is being replaced by the axiology of individualism, democratisation, partnership, and the presence of lay rituals (first of all, consumerism). In the post ‑modern family, the individual is “oriented and self ‑centered; emancipated and de ‑rooted from traditional community af- filiations; individually and egocentrically creates his or her identity in a reflexive manner.”30 Both forms of family are frequently opposed today (a traditional one versus a post ‑modern one) in accordance with the rule tertium non datur; however, it should be emphasised that realisation of both models in the practice of family life is not excluded. after all, it is not difficult to imagine a  traditional mar- riage (even a multi ‑children one) which realises the idea of equal rights in terms of home obligations and both parents working professionally. The realisation of a mixed family type is, however, so difficult that in the 1980s, anglophone literature popularised the term work ‑life conflict, defining at the same time one of the most important problems of everyday life in such families.31 1.2. Drop in fertility (weakening reproductive motivation) Nowadays, at the turn of the twenty‑first century, there is “not a single country (except for albany) in which tFr [total Fertility rate, where the value 2.1 guar- antees the ability to replace generations – M.B.] would exceed 2.1; in 24 states (out of 36) it is below 1.5, and in 11, below 1.3. except for europe, such deep changes in fertility rate are extremely rare; they would occur mainly in east asia or South ‑east asia (Japan, South Korea, Singapore), australia and Canada.”32 Such a  situation can be called a  depression in fertility rate.33 Additionally, in 30 M. Kapias, a. Lipski, G. polok: Aksjologia w czasach kultury młodości – szkic do portre‑ tu. Katowice 2012, p. 78. 31 See J.h. Greenhaus, N.J. Beutell: “Sources of conflict between work and family roles.” The Academy of Management Review 10/1 (1985), pp. 76–88; B. Schneider, L. Waite: Being To‑ gether, Working Apart: Dual ‑Earner Families and Work ‑Life Balance. Cambridge 2005; F.  Mc- Ginnity, e. Calvert: “Work ‑life conflict and social inequality in Western europe.” Social Indi‑ cators Research 93/3 (2009), pp. 489–508. 32 M. Okólski, a. Fihel: Demografia. Współczesne zjawiska i teorie. Warszawa 2012, p. 136; See M. Bernasiewicz: “rodzina w konflikcie…,” pp. 87–100. 33 See M. Okólski: “Wyzwania demograficzne…,” p. 46. Chapter 1: Crisis of the Judeo ‑Christian foundations of family life 21 europe this phenomenon is also accompanied by immigration surpassing emigration and an average life span being prolonged.34 Collectively, these three phenomena were called a  second demographic transition. Most generally, the factors favourable to demographic transition, namely a low reproduction rate (drop in births and longer average life span), may include: 1. elimination of disasters affecting the death rate (e.g., hunger and epidem‑ 2. processes of industrialisation and urbanisation; 3. regulation of births (contraception); 4. Fall in the significance of the institution of marriage and traditional family in favour of cohabitation and alternative family forms; 5. Delay in the average age of contracting a  marriage and giving birth to the ics); first child; 6. anti ‑procreative lifestyle of modern families. especially the last factor is today encumbered with responsibility – in accordance with the theory of second demographic transition – for the dropping fertility rate. Marek Okólski and agnieszka Fihel encapsulate this point in the following way: demographic phenomena which are responsible for the drop in fertility rate . . . belong to two spheres: marriage and reproduction. The most important among them (concerning marriage) include: dissemination of pre ‑marriage (or even “pre ‑partnership”) intimate relationships, delay in the typical age of contract- ing a marriage, reduced proportion of persons remaining in formal marriage relationships (especially in the so‑called life‑long relationships), diversification and dissemination of alternative forms of partner relationships, increase in the popularity of the phenomenon of permanent celibacy (remaining outside partner relationships), increase in the number of divorces, commonness of incomplete families, and dissemination of the phenomenon of multiplicity and diversity of partner relationships in the course of a person’s life. The other sphere includes, among others: reduced average number of offspring in the family, disappearance of multiple ‑children families and increase in the child- free population, dissemination of “modern” contraceptive means (reliable, cheap, and easy in application; so‑called second contraception revolution), 34 The situation was completely different in ancient times, when the short life of people had to entail high fertility if the culture was to be long ‑lasting. according to peter Brown, citizens of the roman empire “in the second century a.D., were born into the world with an average life expectancy of less than twenty ‑five years. Death fell savagely on the young. Those who survived childhood remained at risk. Only four out of every hundred men, and fewer women, lived beyond the age of fifty. . . . For the population of the roman empire to remain even stationary, it appears that each women would have had to have produced an average of five children. Young girls were recruited early for their task. The median age of roman girls at marriage may have been as low as fourteen.” See p. Brown: The Body and Society. Men, Women and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity. New York 2008, p 6. 22 Part One: Cultural background of the family crisis and delay in the typical age of procreation (which, combined with the early sexual initiation, extends significantly the period of sexual activity without parenthood).35 The reasons for the drop in fertility rate listed by the authors (delay in reproduc- tive age and the drop in childbirth rate) may be situated on the level of the most basic conditions responsible for weakening reproductive motivation. however, one may notice a phenomenon of feedback taking place between the subjective reasons (motivation and axiological aspect) and objective ones (the state of cul- ture and economy). authors who analyse the crisis of the family expose the role of the institutional and self ‑awareness reasons in the state of affairs. Therefore, it is said that the market of today enforces the work of both women and men in the family to provide the ability to maintain the living standard proper for the middle class. On the other hand, one may record the axiological changes in the mentality, involving a drop in the value of the family and parenthood in favour of professional work and self ‑development.36 a paralysis concerning the decision about having children has both subjective and objective predictors (they constitute most often a certain mixture of different circumstances): – having children in the modern times means limiting the parents’ share in the consumption of goods, the consumption being one of the most important criteria for social position (it means a drop in the real income, deficit in time, and impossibility to reconcile parenthood with other social activities, such as trips abroad, different forms of recreation, social meetings); – extending the family (and, in general, establishing a family by an individual) means the appearance of a conflict at the junction of professional and family life (work ‑family conflict); – drop in the significance of Christianity in europe, where the number of chil- dren used to be taken as evidence for God’s blessing and the basic task for parents; – general increase in the attractiveness of the childless life style, including the appearance of new female roles, in which the requirement of maternity is not present. This phenomenon is described by Krystyna Slany as follows: “the re ‑orientation takes place with young women pursuing more important educational and professional goals, which are accompanied by economic ben- 35 M. Okólski, a. Fihel: Demografia…, p. 137. 36 t. Szlendak presents a wide review of reasons for the family’s crisis, from external con- ditions to mental ones: “Women went to work and give birth to children much later than it used to be. It is clear from the data of eurostat that Dutch women in 2006 became mothers (on avera- ge) aged 30.58, Spanish women 30.88, poles 28.34, Italian women 30.87.” at the same time, “be- tween 1970–1983 there was a drop in the number of women who included possession of children among the three most gratifying and most pleasant things in their life, from 53 to 26 percent.” t. Szlendak: “Interpretacje kryzysu…,” p. 10. Chapter 1: Crisis of the Judeo ‑Christian foundations of family life 23 efits from childlessness. Measurable benefits may be invested . . . in financing themselves, parents, or investing in fixed assets”;37 – susceptibility of parents to the ideology of success (measured with finance and prestige) in which every child must participate and in which the parents invest – in accordance with the middle ‑class conviction that it constitutes the main criterion for success. The last predictor of weakening motivation results in parents falling into indecision, which is detrimental for the mental life of an individual or their offspring. This state of post ‑modern culture is accurately described by renata Doniec: parents feel encumbered with the requirements posed to them by the society as well as made tired with things they should do or must do as parents. Their task is, however, to provide the society with children “of high quality,” which in the times of growing competition and rivalry is difficult. Children require much financial outlays and personal self ‑abnegation, and even sometimes they are an obstacle to self ‑realisation and self ‑development of adults. . . . This all shapes ambivalent attitude towards the child. On the one hand, it is a  desired value, the object of highest love, warm relations and huge efforts to create the best possible future for; and on the other hand, this situation is the source of unwillingness of the adults to have a  child and to bring it up.38 a  child ceases to be a  value in itself. an alarming phenomenon emerges, in which the issue whether to have another child is conditioned upon the ability to provide him or her with a  high standard of living, which, in the situation of subjective interpretation of one’s own economic capabilities (the feeling of relative deprivation, which is common nowadays), prevents people from making reproductive decisions. The future is also alarming for objective reasons. after all, we live in the society of risk, temporary jobs, inscrutable future, the sense of adventitiousness, numerous dangers and proliferation of fears about people close to us (e.g., addictions, diseases of civilisation, terrorism, etc). The fact of having another child does not improve one’s social situation defined in this way, but makes it worse. Due to the very nature of social and mental conditions, our culture has become hostile to its new potential members. On the other hand, childless people risk even greater loneliness in their old age, and those who have one child risk losing all security and comfort in life in the event of a loss of the child (due to death or at least emigration). 37 K. Slany: Alternatywne formy…, pp. 111–112. 38 r. Doniec: “rodzina w poszukiwaniu intymności. Na przykładzie przemian modelu ro- dziny.” Pedagogika Społeczna 1 (2011), p. 28. 24 Part One: Cultural background of the family crisis 1.3. The invasion of the civilisation of Islam It is also worth noting that there is one more threat connected with the falling childbirth rate, especially in europe.39 Very rarely do sociologists point out that the consequence of the dropping childbirth rate may be the culture in its present shape dying out (the one founded on the roman law and Judeo ‑Christian values).40 We have an impression that the problem is more often noticed by religious leaders. Jorge Bergoglio (presently pope Francis) addressed this issue in one of the interviews. With reference to the drop in childbirth and the increase in the number of people who are single in developed countries, he said: at the end of 2007, France used to boast that there were two children per each woman. But Italy and Spain have less than one child per one woman. It means that some physical spaces and social realities will be replaced by others. There will emerge new cultures, maybe even another civilisation. probably we will deal with a different process than invasion of Barbarians of about 400 a.D., but the effect will be the same: a territory abandoned by one group will be oc- cupied by others. as a result of intensive migrations, europe is already experi- encing changes in its culture. to be more precise, it is not a new phenomenon. Let us not forget that huge Christian communities which for the ages used to exist in northern africa are gone today. In fact, the Islamisation of europe, observed already today in France, Germany, Belgium, and holland, will mean in the future Islamisation of the european Union and its institutions. a  demographic analysis of religious minorities shows an inevitable regularity. population of Muslims in France grew from 230 thousand in 1952 (0.55 of population) to 6 million in 2009 (10 ); whereas in holland from 5 thousand in 1951 (0.05 ) to almost 1 million of citizens in 2005 (5.8 ).41 A natural growth among the Islam society is so high and Muslim population so young (in 2004 one third of French Muslims were below 20 years of age in comparison with barely 20 recorded for this age category in French population in general; one third of 4 millions of German Muslims were below 18 years of age in comparison with barely 18 in the whole German popula- tion; one third of 1.6 million of British Muslims were below 15 years of age, while this age category in the total British population amounted to barely 20 ) that, according to the estimates provided by the manager of the Office of eu- ropean analysis at the Department of State in Washington, in 2050 every fifth 39 See M. Bernasiewicz: “rodzina w konflikcie…,” pp. 87–100. 40 See F. Ambrogetti, S. Rubin: Jezuita papież Franciszek. Wywiad rzeka z Jorge Bergoglio. trans. a. Fijałkowska ‑Żydok. Kraków 2013, p. 190. 41 h. Kettani: “Muslim population in europe: 1950 – 2020.” International Journal of Envi‑ ronmental Science and Development 1/2 (2010), p. 159. Chapter 1: Crisis of the Judeo ‑Christian foundations of family life 25 european will be a  Muslim (“Muslims will comprise at least 20 percent of europe’s population by 2050”).42 In connection with the statistics presented, in the foreseeable future one should expect that such values as: respect for the human being (especially freedom of speech and religious practices), openness to strangers and social solidarity, that is the axiological foundations of the euro‑ american (North atlantic) civilisation, may be replaced by discrimination of women, so characteristic of the Muslim states, violating the rights of freedom of religion, and dissemination of other fundamentalist attitudes. Muslims in europe do not integrate with the societies in which they live. They form enclaves, in which the laws in force are foreign to the european civilisation. as noted by Dariusz rosiak, “for several years now, in some districts of east Lon- don, there have been ‘sharia patrols’ – groups of Muslims aggressive to women who are ‘dressed inappropriately,’ couples holding their hands, people drinking alcohol, etc.”43 Recently, this situation has elicited critical reaction, including the famous decision taken by Magdi allama, “a Muslim intellectual, who in 2008 was baptised by Benedict XVI, and who has recently left the Church as he could not accept the attitude of rome towards Islam, which, in his opinion, is too tolerant. When interviewed by Tygodnik Powszechny (no. 27/2008), he said that . . . Islam cannot be moderate, because the truths written in Koran and facts from Muham- mad’s life, that is, the major sources of Islam to which studies of the Islamic law and daily practice refer, make it impossible to harmonise Islam and human rights.”44 The dynamic increase in the population of Muhammad’s followers in europe with the simultaneous decrease in fertility of european locals is becom- ing a threat to the enlightenment and Judeo ‑Christian culture of europe. It is also worth noting that there occur certain processes and phenomena which may be favourable to sustaining duration of a family and its childbirth rate. The weakening idea of a welfare state in europe makes many people invest in the family as the best guarantee of their own social position and calm elder‑ ly age in the future. Investment in children may be the best transaction ever. paradoxically, an increasing unemployment rate in europe, but also the crisis in the work market in general (the 20:80 theory, namely the situation in which the 20 of the lucky ones who are employed maintain the 80 of the remaining rest of the unemployed in production age), may make many women discover again the value of the family (a situation is also possible in which men are those who stay at home to take care of their children). This tendency has already been visible in France for a certain period of time. In this country, in 1994 the level of parental benefits was raised (so‑called ape, namely the benefit for one of the parents who resigns from work to take care of children aged up to 3; its 42 t.M. Savage: “europe and Islam: Crescent waxing, cultures clashing.” The Washington Quarterly 27/3 (2004), p. 28. 43 D. rosiak: “Suma wszystkich strachów.” Tygodnik Powszechny, 09.11.2014, p. 13. 44 a. Boniecki: “Wobec frustracji i fanatyzmu.” Tygodnik Powszechny, 09.11.2014, p. 3. 26 Part One: Cultural background of the family crisis level is half of the minimum salary), which encouraged French mothers of little children to resign from work.45 Moreover, certain phenomena can be noticed, such as new religious move- ments in the Catholic Church, in which one may see a rebirth of family life and high childbirth rate. In this place one may at least indicate neocatechumenal communities, common in europe and worldwide, and present in a larger number of Catholic parishes, in which high childbirth is a norm among members of the movement. The rebirth of spiritual life observed in the United States (america does not have demographic problems of europe) may spread in the future to the secularised europe of today. however, it is difficult to expect better results after the reforms declared by consecutive european governments, which are eager to manifest their own involvement in pro ‑family politics. to a large extent, these are superficial reforms (e.g., a childbirth bonus, in poland called a “baby’s sleep- ing bag bonus”), rarely of long ‑term nature (such as, for example, a successful legislation change extending the maternity leave in poland up to 12 months). 1.4. Gender discourses The present ‑day popularity of gender studies is the reflection of two currents of thought, which have been strongly present in the history of europe. apart from the whole cultural context of the emergence of the anti ‑essentialist gender discourse – sexual revolution in the 1950s and 1960s, professionalisation and emancipation of women – it is worth directing our attention to where the think- ing of the supporters of the gender concept has its roots, which we are often not aware of. This concept can be surmised to have its sources in the Marxist thought and gnostic concepts. The history and circulation of human thought, its intermingling and evolution, are all fascinating issues, which is a frequent source of surprise for those who again and again discover new versions and emanations of old ideas in new forms. There has evolved a way of thinking in the categories of the oppressive and the oppressed, as well as oppression and revolution necessary for restoring equality in economic relations, as a result of which old conflicts have been joined by new ones. analogously to the classical Marxist standpoint, the social injustice was, and still is, surmised to have its beginnings in unequal access to means of production; and contemporary gender studies are, in fact, an opposition to new oppression, that is injustice in access to certain family privileges and asym- metry of social roles. The conflict of social classes has been replaced with gender conflict. The conflict is not about means of production but personal autonomy. The class conflict has made room for gender struggle. The natural differentiation 45 See e. Badinter: Konflikt: kobieta i matka. trans. J. Jedliński. Warszawa 2013, p. 124. Chapter 1: Crisis of the Judeo ‑Christian foundations of family life 27 between men and women has become an urgent social issue, the resolution of which is demanded by various political and civic circles. The promoted term gender and proving the cultural nature of sex have begun to supersede the sex category. The negation of the traditionally perceived duality of human nature is being observed more and more often. Thus, a new anthropology has emerged. as a  result of gender studies, in place of two sexes and the privileged role of family life as the basic dimension of human life, there have emerged at least five genders (masculine, feminine, gay, lesbian, and transgender) and a diversity of partnerships (consensual relationships) is affirmed. The Marxist paradigm, that is the conflict theory of the society, appeared originally as inequality in the field of economy (Karl Marx), followed by inequality in the field of edu- cational system (pierre Bourdieu), to turn in the contemporary version of the emancipation meta‑narrative into the family inequality discourse (elisabeth Badinter). The version of the Marxist paradigm described above appears to be a new field, in which the probability of success is significantly higher than in the field of the class social structure, which has proved resistant to reform. after all, the economic inequality is still increasing, both in the northern and southern hemi- spheres of our globe. In 2014, the number of millionaires doubled in comparison with the number of millionaires recorded during the economic crisis in 2008. In the meantime, the gender conflict has been diminishing, as women have gained equality of rights in the majority of spheres of life, and the achievement of full rights by sexual minorities seems to be a  matter of time. The triumph of equality of rights is proved by hard facts, as noted by anthony Giddens and philip W. Sutton, and it consists, among others, in the fact that the previously restrictive societies grant greater sexual freedom to men and women. There is also a general tendency to extend the children’s rights and a growing acceptance of same ‑sex relationships.46 This optimism is not shared by those for whom this means a simultaneous crisis of the traditional family, which has been sanctioned over centuries; moreover, this means even greater profusion of divorce and the growing number of emotionally neglected children, who are brought up in continuously reconstructed and fluid relationships. The intention of progressive conservative circles is not to deny anyone the option of living in a  same ‑sex relationship or, even less so, to question anyone’s freedom and dignity, but to oppose the (legal) equality of such relationships, as recognition of the right to freedom, affirmation of democracy and pluralism do not automatically imply, in the opinion of moderate conservatives, equality of privileges for all forms of sexual life. In western societies, which are experiencing a drop in the birth rate, homosexual relationships are less advantageous than heterosexual ones, as they do not lead to biological reproduction. Therefore, these societies have no interest 46 a. Giddens, p.W. Sutton: Essential Concepts in Sociology. Cambrige 2014, chapter 6. 28 Part One: Cultural background of the family crisis in granting them the same status as in the case of heterosexual relationships. What is more, they have no interest in promoting them, as it is highly prob- able that an increase in commonness and popularity of such relationships may have a limiting influence on the number of heterosexual relationships. equality of privileges and promotion of same ‑sex relationships may trigger a change in the proportion of the number of homosexual and heterosexual relationships. as a consequence, a further decline in fertility in the western civilisation may be expected. a rapid decline in fertility, resulting from the reluctance to have children demonstrated by the citizens of the West, that is, from individualism and hyper ‑consumption, conflicts related to the need to reconcile family and professional life, getting married at an increasingly later age etc., may be intensi- fied by another factor, but this time not of a volitional but of a biological nature. This biological factor, intensifying the demographic crisis, will be the obvious inability of the growing number of homosexual couples to give birth to their offspring. as a result of feedback and the process of modelling taking place, the growing number of children brought up in same ‑sex relationships will produce a growing number of successive generations of people representing homosexual preferences, and, thereby, incapable of biological reproduction. Children brought up in same ‑sex families will experience greater difficulties in finding a pattern of love different from the one implemented in their homes. These concerns are best and most universally expressed by the Catholic Church discourse, in which the civilisation of wrongly affirmed freedom (unrestrained pleasure, including sexual one, and practical materialism) is contrasted with the civilisation of love and “responsible parenthood”: responsible fatherhood and motherhood directly concern the moment in which a man and a woman, uniting themselves “in one flesh,” can become parents. . . . Utilitarianism is a civilization of production and of use, a civilization
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