Darmowy fragment publikacji:
Tomasz Kamiński – University of Łódź, Faculty of International and Political Studies
Department of East Asian Studies, 90-131 Łódź Poland, 59a Narutowicza St.
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© Copyright by Authors, Łódź 2017
© Copyright for this edition by Uniwersytet Łódzki, Łódź 2017
Published by Łódź University Press
First edition. W.07686.16.0.K
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Łódź University Press
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Table of Contents
Introduction ..................................................................................................... 7
Internal and regional outlook
Dmitry V. Kuznetsov, The Chinese Nationalism and Foreign Policy Component
in Mass Consciousness in China ..............................................................
Agnieszka Batko, Womenomics: The Assumptions and Effects of Abenomics’
Third Arrow .............................................................................................
Karol Żakowski, Failed Attempts at Sino-Japanese Security Cooperation .........
Kahraman Süvari, North Korea’s Fourth Nuclear Test .....................................
Péter Klemensits, Defence Reform and Military Modernization in the
Philippines in the perspective of the South China Sea Conflict ................
Dorota Roszkowska Emilia Matlaszek, Europe–China economic cooperation
after official Belt and Road initiative announcement................................. 107
Gu Hongfei, Opportunities Amidst Uncertainties. China–EU Security
Cooperation in the context of the ‘One Belt One Road’ initiative ............. 123
Lukáš Laš, Bridging the Visegrad Group and East Asia Through Cooperation .... 137
David A. Jones, Cooperation or Confrontation? Assessing the American ‘Pivot’
to Asia in Context – Is It a Western ‘Neo-Liberealism’ Response to China’s
New ‘Open Door’ Approach to Europe? .................................................... 155
Kamer Kasım, The impact of the US Rebalancing Policy toward Asia Pacific on
International Relations in the region ........................................................ 175
Mateusz Smolaga, Asian Development Bank and Asian Infrastructure
Investment Bank – is cooperation possible? .............................................. 191
Joanna Wardęga, Constructing a desired image of China: Picture of territorial
controversies in Chinese language textbooks .............................................. 215
Controversies, sometimes bitter controversies, are an inherent
element of international relations. Conflicting interests, different values,
overlapping spheres of influences… all this make dispute settlement
mechanisms crucial elements of
international system. Searching
for cooperation mechanisms that may help in overcoming existing
controversies in Asia is the main topic of this monograph.
The monograph is based on the case studies in which authors analyse
disagreements as well as collaborations between different actors in Asia.
They are chosen different point of views that might be roughly divided
into two groups. The first set of authors tries to look at regional or even
internal problems that have international impact. The second group gives
an outlook on the controversies linked to rising global presence of Asian
countries, in particular China.
The opening chapter, written by Russian scholar Dmitry Kuznetsov,
describes the phenomenon of rising Chinese nationalism in the context
of the foreign relations. This process is, at least partially, controlled by
the PRC authorities, who try to use it for their political purposes. In
particular growing anti-American and anti-Japanese sentiments might be
instrumentally used by the Chinese Communist Party.
The second chapter, by Agnieszka Batko, presents the Japanese policy
of ‘Womenomics’. This idea, part of the famous ‘Abenomics’, concentrates
on persuading Japanese women to act more actively on the job market and
seek for the opportunities to advance their careers. This highly controversial
idea poses a series of evident challenges to the traditional concept of the role
of women in Japanese society. However, what is even more important, it is
a crucial part of Abe’s reform package and its success or failure will have the
consequences for Japanese position in the region and in the world.
In the next chapter Karol Żakowski analyses the reasons of failure
in establishing a stable framework for Sino-Japanese security cooperation
after the end of Cold War. The author argues that both countries have
been unable to develop a full-fledged cooperation in the security field
due to history problems, contrasting visions of regional security system,
territorial disputes and rivalry for leadership in East Asia.
Kahraman Süvari examines North Korea’s January 2016 nuclear test.
He put it in historical perspective and also analyses the possible reasons
behind the North Korean aggressive behaviour. In this chapter it is argued
that North Korea’s leadership carried out the fourth nuclear test mainly
because it wants to strengthen its nuclear deterrent against the perceived
The last chapter in this part of the book is dedicated to the South
China Sea conflict, one of the most important international disputes in the
regions. Hungarian analyst Péter Klemensits examines the main aspects of
the defence reforms in the Philippines. He argues that the changes of the
international and domestic security environment force the government
to upgrade the armed forces capabilities and achieve a minimum credible
The global outlook starts with study of the flagship Chinese initiative
One Belt One Road (OBOR), written by Dorota Roszkowska and Emilia
Radkiewicz. They analyse this programme, or maybe better strategy, in the
context of the EU–China relations. The controversial Chinese initiative
is undoubtedly a priority in Beijing’s foreign policy but the Europeans are
reluctant or at least indecisive.
In the next chapter young Chinese researcher Gu Hongfei analyse also
OBOR but in the context of EU–China security relations He identifies the
major challenges and discusses opportunities that might be created by
the implementation of Chinese grand plan. He predicts that, however
controversial OBOR might be in Europe, it will lead to closer cooperation
between the EU and China in the field of security.
Tightened cooperation in economic sphere between Europe and China is
presented in the chapter written by Lukáš Laš. On the basis of Visegrad Four
(V4) trade relations with East Asian partners he shows that not only China
matters but also Japan and other countries from the region. He also advocates
for building a particular ‘Visegrad Brand’ in Asia as a part of economic
diplomacy. That might be helpful for V4 actors (countries, regions, cities and
companies) to implement their business plans in East Asia.
The next three chapters are dedicated to China–US rivalry. David
Jones assesses the American ‘Pivot’ to Asia arguing that “Neo-realist
security traditions appear to have been blurred with neo-liberal trade
temptations, the result forming a ‘neo-liberealism’ paradigm that could
work if it contained the best ingredients of each.” He predicts that only
by focusing on opportunities for Sino-American cooperation the much
wanted military de-escalation might happen.
His position is strengthened by Kamer Kasım that also analyses
consequences of America’s rebalancing towards Asia. He stressed that
further economic integration and continuation of regional economic
growth will help the rebalancing strategy and to improve relations between
China, the US, and its allies.
Mateusz Smolaga approaches the topic of US–China confrontation
from a different perspective. He makes comparative analyses of the
Asian Development Bank (ADB) (Japan-led multilateral institution with
strong American presence) and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank
(AIIB) (Chinese-led multilateral institution with no US membership).
He identifies and explains possible scenarios of ADB-AIIB relationship,
trying to predict if we should anticipate strong rivalry between these two
institutions, as political realism would suggest, or will the ADB and the
AIIB find a way to offer their best to the Asia-Pacific countries without any
In the last chapter Joanna Wardęga confronts the controversies
arousing around Confucius Institutes. They are seen as government-
backed institutions present on Western universities and use as instruments
of Chinese soft power. She analyses one particular aspect of language
education in the Confucius Institutes: how the Chinese territory is shown
to the students of the Chinese language in the textbooks. Contrary to her
hypothesis it turns out that the names associated with controversy, such
as Tibet, Taiwan, and Xinjiang, are not particularly emphasized in the
Obviously the list of controversies in the region is much longer but
this book does not pretend to present the comprehensive catalogue. We
rather aim in this monograph, based on case-studies, to illustrate the
complexity of controversies in Asia and different paths to overcome them.
TOMASZ KAMIŃSKI, Ph.D. in humanities, assistant professor at
the Faculty of International and Political Studies, University of Lodz.
His research activities are concentrated mainly on various aspects of the
EU–China relations, the Sovereign Wealth Funds and regional/local
authorities who develop paradiplomatical relations with foreign partners.
He is also an active blogger and regular contributor to the magazine
Liberté!, leading Polish political quarterly. His publications can be find
at academia.edu or researchgate.net. Contact at email@example.com.
Internal and regional outlook
Dmitry V. Kuznetsov
(Blagoveshchensk State Pedagogical University)
The Chinese Nationalism
and Foreign Policy Component
in Mass Consciousness in China
The research describes the phenomenon of Chinese nationalism in the context
of the foreign policy component of the mass consciousness of residents in China.
The ideas of Chinese nationalism become more popular both on the individual
level and the level of mass consciousness. This is according to opinion polls, data
from the media, as well as views widely spread among the intellectual elite.
Between 2000–2010 there was a significant rise of nationalism in China. The
reason was the transformation of Chinese public opinion. Under the influence of
progress in the development of China, people have come to realize that modern
China certainly plays a crucial role in world politics and economics.
A characteristic feature of modern Chinese nationalism is that it proliferates
far outside of China. Currently, its main content is a growing anti-American and
The ideas of modern Chinese nationalism have become most prevalent
among the younger generation of Chinese citizens. These processes are partially
controlled by the PRC authorities, who need the population to have certain
Considering the rise of nationalism in China we can see the appearance of
the ‘Chinese Dream’ concept in 2012.
Key words: China, nationalism, foreign policy, public opinion, ‘new Chinese
nationalism’, ‘old Chinese nationalism’, concept of ‘Chinese Dream’.
Dmitry V. Kuznetsov
As evidenced by numerous facts, in recent years, nationalist ideas
have been increasingly spreading in China not only at the level of the
individual, but also at the level of mass consciousness. This is according
to opinion polls, data from the media, as well as views widely spread
among the intellectual elite (Кузнецов 2014).
This article attempts to examine the phenomenon of Chinese
nationalism in the context of the foreign component of the mass
consciousness of the Chinese people, predominatly focused on the period
between 2000–2010 However, attention is paid to the earlier periods of
the 20th century during which the observed processes associated with the
evolution of Chinese nationalism are noticeable.
So far domestic and foreign sciences have achieved significant results
in the study of the problems of nationalism in general and Chinese
nationalism in particular.
Sinology in the Russian Federation and other countries has been enriched
with scientific works – monographs, articles, doctoral researche – dedicated to
the phenomenon of Chinese nationalism. Among these works, the articles of
A.A. Moskalyov (1930–2006) are of particular importance (Москалёв 2001a;
2001b; 2001с; 2002; 2005; 2009), whilst coming in close behind are those
by authors studying Chinese nationalism as a whole (Goodman Segal
1996; Unger Barmé 1996; Safran 1998; He Guo 2000; Chang 2001;
Karl 2002; Guo 2004; Liew Wang 2004; Leibold 2007; Russell 2013; Zhao
2014), and in the context of foreign policy of the People’s Republic of China
(PRC) (Xiaoqu 2000; Mirams 2009; Shan 2013).
Y. Zheng, for example, explores the complicated nature of revived
nationalism in China and presents the reader with a very different
picture to that portrayed in Western readings on Chinese nationalism.
He argues that China’s new nationalism is a reaction to changes in the
country’s international circumstances and can be regarded as a ‘voice’
over the existing unjustified international order. Y. Zheng shows that the
present Chinese leadership is pursuing strategies not to isolate China, but
to integrate it into the international community. Based on the author’s
extensive research in China, the book provides a set of provocative
arguments against prevailing Western attitudes to and perceptions of
China’s nationalism (Zheng 1999).
G. Wei and X. Liu argue that Chinese nationalism is a multifaceted
concept. At different historical moments and under certain circumstances,
The Chinese Nationalism and Foreign Policy Component in Mass...
it had different meanings and interacted with other competing motives
and interests (Wei Liu 2001; 2002).
Among these authors, S. Zhao and his monograph A nation-state by
construction: Dynamics of modern Chinese nationalism is of particular
note. This is the first historically comprehensive and up-to-date analysis
of the causes, content, and consequences of nationalism in China, an
ancient empire that has struggled to construct a modern nation-state and
find its place in the modern world (Zhao 2004).
Peter Hays Gries in his monograph China’s new nationalism: Pride,
politics, and diplomacy offers a rare, in-depth look at the nature of China’s
new nationalism particularly as it involves Sino-American and Sino-
Japanese relations (Gries 2004).
S. Shen’s monograph Redefining nationalism in modern China: Sino-
American relations and the emergence of Chinese public opinion in the 21st
century explores the possibility of whether the contemporary nationalist
movement in China, a movement that is non-unitary, segmented and
practised by different people for different purposes, could be reshaped
and absorbed by neighbouring regions. He selects recent case studies
such as the Chinese response to the September 11 attacks in the United
States as well as the war in Iraq and includes a detailed discussion on the
intellectual battle in China (the Liberals versus the ‘New Leftists’). Using
a variety of previously untapped sources, including a range of news sources
within China itself, weblogs, and interviews with prominent figures, Shen
makes a powerful new argument about the causes and consequences of
the new Chinese nationalism (Shen 2007).
The specific form of modern Chinese nationalism is linked with the
sphere of high technologies: X. Wu, S. Shen and Sh. Breslin examination
of the Chinese segment of the Internet (for example, Sina Weibo) is an
arena for intense discussions on current issues in contemporary China
(Wu 2007; Shen Breslin 2010).
Christopher W. Hughes examines the problems which will inevitably
arise as a result of China’s claims on Taiwan, and analyses Taiwan’s ‘post-
nationalist’ identity (Hughes 1997; 2006).
Also of interest is Z. Lu’s Sport and nationalism in China. This
book examines the relationships between sport, nationalism, and nation
building in China. By exploring the last 150 years of Chinese history, it
offers unparalleled depth and breadth of coverage and provides a clear grasp
of Chinese sports nationalism from both macro and micro perspectives.
Moving on to the era of Communist China (1949–present), the book
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